Why Democracy Failed in Pakistan a Historic Analysis

Why Democracy Failed in Pakistan a Historic Analysis

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Most Pakistani historians are not intellectually honest while dealing with this issue. On the surface it was a simple issue, ie how were the different provinces to be represented in the parliament. The Bengalis who were about 54% of the total population (with at least theoretically 44 seats in the First Constituent Assembly out of a total of 79 seats)7 but had been sidelined from leading the Muslims by the Hindustani Muslims because of backwardness in education now rightfully demanded that representation in parliament should be according to population. The simple reason for delay in constitution making and one which is evaded by most non- Bengali historians was the fact that all non-Bengali leaders including Liaquat and almost all leaders from Punjab were not willing to grant the Bengalis their natural right ie representation in the parliament as per population! The Punjabis who were just 20% of the population (22 out of 79 seats) were the second most dominant group in the period 1947-51 following the Hindustani Muslims who dominated political power because of Liaquat's Prime Ministership and by virtue of representation in the civil service. Both these groups ie the Hindustani Muslims and Punjabi Muslims were not in favour of giving Bengalis their representation as per population. They despised the Bengalis and looked upon them as inferior species. The reason for this attitude was the fact that there were very few Bengalis in the civil service and the army and the Hindustani and Punjabi Muslims were convinced that they by virtue of more education, greater representation in civil service and the army and in the Muslim League were the natural leaders of Pakistan. A new and most unfortunate exercise was started to exclude the Bengali Muslims from the higher corridors of power. The West Pakistani politicians led by Punjabi politicians now started demanding weightage for the west wing and refused to accept the just Bengali demand for representation in parliament as per population. Liaquat was also a party to this since he made no resolute effort to arive at a constitutional formula settling the issue of representation. Instead the West Wing politicians created a smoke screen around the core issue of representation by talking about the Islamic character of the new state! Thus religion was again brought in as a cheap slogan in order to evade basic issues. The failure for constitution making can be squarely placed on the shoulders of Liaquat who did nothing to prod all West Pakistani members into arriving at a formula deciding the issue of representation during the period 1947-51. There is no doubt that the Punjabi Muslim leaders were most keen to sideline Liaquat, and Ghulam Mohammad their principle spokesman in Liaquat's cabinet played as keen a role in sabotaging the constituent assembly's efforts to arrive at constitution formula of provincial representation as Liaquat. But it was Liaquat's failure in not being able to be ruthless in dealing with all the members of the Constitutuent Assembly who were taking an unjust stand over allowing the Bengalis their simple constitutional right of having representation as per population. This attitude was an unfortunate continuation of the pre-1947 rhetoric about fear of Hindu domination and proves that the bourgeois class and the feudals who were the mainstay of Muslim League were fighting a battle for the preservation of their class interests rather than that of the Indian Muslims. The same people now wanted safeguards against Bengali Muslim domination in the constititution of Pakistan. SO WHERE WAS ISLAM NOW AND WHAT WAS THE AIM OF PAKISTAN?show more

Product details

  • Paperback | 262 pages
  • 152.4 x 228.6 x 15.24mm | 458.13g
  • Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
  • United States
  • English
  • black & white illustrations
  • 1514286637
  • 9781514286630

About Agha Humayun Amin

About the Author Agha Humayun Amin studied at Saint Marys Academy Lalazar and Forman Christian College Lahore and at Pakistan Military Academy Kakul. He was commissioned in 11 Cavalry (FF) earlier known as PAVO Cavalry on 17 March 1983. Served in various command, staff and instructional appointments in the army, finally commanding an independent tank squadron and retiring from the army on 05 March 1994. His writings were published in Pakistan Armys leading institutional journals, notably Pakistan Army Journal and Command and Staff College Quettas Citadel Journal. He also authored three major tactical publications " Tactical Handling of Recce Troop " (1986), " Tactical Handling of Recce Support Group" *(1989 and the " The RFS Concept " (1990). His recommendations regarding creation of army command groups as published as an article in 1998 were accepted by the Pakistan Army in 2007 when army commands were created. His books are essential reading in more than 200 leading libraries of the world including Library of Congress USA, Combined Arms Research Library of US Army Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth which is worlds largest military library, US Army War College Carlisle Library, Defence Intelligence Agency Library of USA, Columbi University Library, US Armor School Fort Knox Library, LUMS Library etc.He wrote extensively for various journals and newspapers and also served as Assistant Editor Defence Journal, Executive Editor Globe, Founding Editor Journal of Afghanistan Studies and presently as Editor in Chief for "Intelligence Review." He also actively worked as an associate of two leading think tanks www.orbat.com of Ravi Rikhye and as Fellow of Alexandrian Defense Group, USA. Major Agha H Amin has been invited to lecture and present papers at various institutions including US Army Centre of Military History etc . He headed Afghan Toll and Transoxiana two consulting firms which played keyrole in various Asian Bank and World Bank electric transmission line studies, notably CASA 1000, Uzbekistan Afghanistan Pakistan line and Turkmenistan-Shibirgan -Mazar Sharif line.show more